COUNSELING CENTER
UNIVERSITY
OF MARYLAND
COLLEGE
PARK, MARYLAND
BLACK
AND WHITE STUDENT DIFFERENCES IN VOLUNTEER INTERESTS
AT A
PREDOMINANTLY WHITE UNIVERSITY
Victoria
J. Balenger and William E. Sedlacek
Research
Report # 5-91
This
research project was supported by the Counseling Center and the Stamp Student
Union, in cooperation with the Orientation Office, University of Maryland at
College Park.
Computer
time for this project was provided by the Computer Science Center, University
of Maryland at College Park.
COUNSELING
CENTER
UNIVERSITY
OF MARYLAND
COLLEGE
PARK, MARYLAND
BLACK
AND WHITE STUDENT DIFFERENCES IN VOLUNTEER INTERESTS
AT A
PREDOMINANTLY WHITE UNIVERSITY
Victoria
J. Balenger and William E. Sedlacek
Research
Report # 5-91
SUMMARY
Although Blacks tend to
volunteer in the community at lea=t as much as Whites, when socioeconomic
status is controlled for (Cohen & Kapsis, 1978; Lucas, 1985; Olsen, 1970;
Shingles, 1981; Williams & Ortega, 1986?, Black students are under-represented
in mainstream campus volunteer organizations on this predominantly White campus
(Sergent & Sedlacek, 1988, 1990?. The purpose of this study was to assess
the volunteer interests of Black and White incoming students to better
understand the determinants of campus volunteer involvement for members of
different racial subgroups. Black students expressed as much interest as Whites
in four of the campus volunteer opportunities described on the survey, and more
interest than Whites in the counseling center, the health center, the campus
hotline/crisis center, and the student union programming board. These volunteer
interests seemed to reflect a motivation to help other students at both
individual and environmental levels. The discussion focuses on why Black students
might not become involved in mainstream campus organizations, despite their
initial interest.
Black students at predominantly
White univer=sities face the difficult challenge of pursuing a college
education in an environment that is primarily structured to meet the needs of
White students (Fleming, 1984; Hughes, 1987; Sedlacek & Brooks, 1976).
Sedlacek (1987) noted, "Because of racism, Blacks have been excluded
historically from being full participants in many of the Whiteoriented communities
that have developed in the United States and in the educational system"
(p. 488). On campus, this exclusion is very apparent in the realm of
extracurricular involvement.
"When Blacks show
leadership on campus, it is often through informal or Black-oriented channels,
which are less likely to be validated by White faculty, students, or personnel
workers", observed Sedlacek (1987, p. 489). This lack of validation may
translate into barriers to entering the job market or graduate/ professional
school, for example, if White faculty do not recognize the accomplishments of
Black students in letters of recommendation.
There is evidence that Black
students are under-represented in mainstream campus organizations on
predominantly White campuses. In a study of four campus organizations, Sergent
and Sedlacek (1988, 1990) found that 82% of the participants were White while
only 3% were Black on a campus that was 10% Black (Institutional Studies, Fall,
1989).
Why is it important to increase Black student involvement
on predominantly White campuses? First, there is evidence that identification
with an institution is a more important correlate of retention for Blacks than
for other students (Sedlacek & Brooks,
2
1976; Astin, 1975, 1982; Tracey & Sedlacek, 1984,
1985, 1987). Tracey and Sedlacek (1984, 1985, 1987) found that eight
noncognitive variables, including demonstrated community service and successful
leadership experience, relate to Black student retention and graduation.
While the research on noncognitive
variables pertains to student involvement prior to entering college,
Mallinckrodt & Sedlacek (1987) found that Black students who con=sidered a
student union programming board activity and students in general who attended
dances or concerts in the student union had better retention rates than other
students. This suggests that Black students who become involved with campus
organizations might feel more identified with the university, and thus more
likely to stay in school.
Greater involvement by Black
students in mainstream campus organizations would also allow these students to
work "within the system" toward making it more responsive to their
educational and social needs. For example, Black students may appreciate the
opportunity to talk to Black peer educators in the health center. A programming
board on which Black students are well-represented is more likely to plan
programs and events of interest to all students, as opposed to only the White
majority. Black prospective students visiting the campus may benefit from
hearing a realistic apprai=sal of the campus social climate from a Black tour
guide.
While Black student
participation in mainstream campus organizations may be low, there is evidence
that Blacks volunteer in
3
the community at least as much, if not more, than Whites
when socioeconomic status is controlled for (Cohen & Kapsis, 1978; Lucas,
1985; Olsen, 1970; Shingles, 1981; Williams & Ortega, 1986). This finding
has been interpreted in the context of the ethnic community model (Olsen, 1970;
London & Giles, 1987), which attributes the high rate of Black volunteerism
to, "...an underlying norm of caring and responsibility for the Black
community, a desire to right historical wrongs, and a belief in the Black
community's lack of responsibility for it’s disadvantaged position in the
majority society" (tatting, 1990, p. 123). This model might also help
explain what motivates Black students to become involved on campus. McEwen,
Roper, Bryant, and Langa (1990) noted, "Because of their ethnic status and
their exposure to real and perceived social injustice, African-American
students frequently assume major responsibility for social advocacy roles on
campus (Wright, 1987)" (p. 434).
As most campus organizations do
not directly help disadvantaged groups or advance the cause of racial equality,
it may be that Black students would rather volunteer in the community.
Especially given the history of individual and institutional racism in
predominantly White educational institutions (Sedlacek & Brooks, 1976),
Black students may not feel it is in their best interests to become involved in
mainstream campus organizations. Hughes (1987) found that Black students on
predominantly White campuses defer their personal, emotional, and cultural
development during the college experience. This suggests that their lack of
participation in mainstream campus organizations may reflect a belief that the
4
university does not have enriching social and cultural
experiences to offer them.
Efforts to involve Black
students on predominantly White campuses can be enhanced by empirical research,
which can potentially help us separate our racial myths and biases from the
realities. This study, an assessment of Black and White student volunteer interests,
should promote a better understanding of this complex issue. Until Black
students can stand up and be counted as valued members of mainstream campus
organizations, we cannot consider our institutions of higher education to be
truly multicultural.
Participants were 768 randomly
sampled Black (16%) and White (84%) incoming students attending summer
orientation at a large, eastern university. More than 90% of incoming students
attend orientation each year.
Participants completed the
"Campus Involvement Interest Survey" (CIIS), designed to measure
volunteer interests and the effect of offering incentives for volunteering
(Balenger & Sedlacek, 1991). In this article, only volunteer interests will
be addressed. On the CIIS, students were asked to rate on a five-point Likert
scale their level of interest in each of eight campus volunteer opportunities
(see Appendix). Differences between Black and White student responses were
analyzed using MANOVA at the .05 level of significance.
5
Black and White students had
different campus volunteer interests, with Blacks being more interested than
Whites in volunteering for the student union programming board, the campus
hotline/crisis intervention center, the counseling center, and the health
center (see Table 1). There were no race differences in reference to the campus
recruitment organization, the homecoming committee, the athletic department, or
the co-ed service fraternity.
Insert Table 1 about here.
Black students were more
interested than Whites in four of the eight volunteer opportunities described
on the survey. Three of the volunteer opportunities in which Blacks had more
interest were health providers: the crisis intervention center, the counseling
center, and the health center. This may reflect Black socialization that
emphasizes helping others within the community (Latting, 1990; London &
Giles, 1987; Olsen, 1970). Given that Black students may not fee? that the
predominantly White campus community has much to offer them (Fleming, 1984;
Hughes, 1987), it is significant to observe that the Black students in this
sample expressed interest in helping others through university health (and
counseling/mental health) services.
Another volunteer opportunity of
more interest to Blacks than Whites was the student union programming board, an
organization
6
whose members plan and implement social, cultural, and
educational programs in the student union. This volunteer interest corroborates
evidence that the student union is a central part of Black students' community
development on campus (Webster & Sedlacek, 1982) and that Black student
interest in student union programs represents identification with the
university and relates to retention (Mallinckrodt & Sedlacek, 1987).
Volunteer involvement with the
student union programming board represents an institutional channel through
which Black students can influence the campus social climate (i.e., by
promoting programs and events that are of interest to racially and culturally
diverse students). As student union programming board members tend to be
affiliation-motivated (Balenger, Sedlacek, & Guenzler, 1989), Black
students who become involved might feel a greater sense of connectedness with
other students in the campus community.
Black and White incoming
students were equally interested in the campus recruitment organization, the
homecoming committee, the athletic department, and the co-ed service
fraternity. It has been noted elsewhere (Balenger & Sedlacek, 1991) that
the campus recruitment organization and the homecoming committee both afford
the opportunity to interact with a large number of people while expressing
"school spirit" or otherwise promoting the university. Again, it
seems noteworthy that Black students were as interested as White students in
such activities, given that they might not feel as identified with this
predominantly White university.
These findings suggest that
incoming Black students are as interested as White students in some campus
volunteer opportunities, and are more interested in others. Thus, Blacks were
more interested overall in volunteering than were Whites as they entered the
university. However, we must keep in mind that interest (or attitude) is only
one determinant of actual behavior. As there is evidence that Black students
have low participation in mainstream campus organizations on this predominantly
White campus (Sergent & Sedlacek, 1990), it appears that they may be
discouraged or diverted from pursuing their interests in such organizations
once they enter the university. Perhaps the negative racial climate on campus
makes Black students feel that they would be uncomfortable or unwelcome as
volunteers in such organizations. In fact, it may be that Black students do try
to join mainstream campus organizations, but are not retained because they feel
unwelcome or sense that the goals of the organizations are not compatible with
their own.
Another possible explanation is
that Black students seek opportunities to affiliate with other Black students,
and thus decide to join predominantly Black organizations once on campus. It
should be noted here that the CIIS gave no indication of the racial composition
of each campus organization, so Black students may not have been making
"informed" choices when they specified their volunteer interests.
Additionally, the survey listed no predominantly Black campus organizations
among its choices. Black students might have indicated relatively higher
interest in such
8
organizations than in mainstream campus organizations, had
they been part of the survey.
As noted elsewhere (Balenger & Sedlacek, 1991),
incoming students may not fully anticipate the shortages of time and money
associated with being full-time students; such shortages may compel them to
forego campus involvement in favor of studying or working at a part-time job.
Given that Blacks are more likely than Whites to have to work to stay in school
(Sedlacek, 1989), one can see how it might be difficult for them to spend their
time volunteering on campus rather than working for pay.
To summarize, Black incoming =students were potentially
interested in volunteering for several mainstream campus organizations,
especially the counseling center, the health center, the campus hotline/crisis
center, and the student union programming board. These volunteer interests
seemed to reflect a motivation to help other students at both individual and
environmental levels. Future research needs to address the question of why
Black students might not become involved in mainstream campus organizations,
despite their initial interest. In addition, research is needed to guide us in
our efforts to structure campus volunteer organizations so that they can
potentially meet the needs and goals of all students, regardless of race.
9
References
Astin, A.W. (1975). Preventing students from drooping out.
San Francisco:
Jossey-Bass.
Astin, A.W. (1982). Minorities in American higher
education: Recent trends,
current prospects and
recommendations. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Balenger, V.J., & Sedlacek, W.E. (1991). The volunteer
potential of
incoming students: Interest
areas and incentives. Journal of the Freshman Year Experience. 3(1). 59-70.
Balenger, V.J., Sedlacek, W.E., & Guenzler, M.A.
(1989). Volunteer
activities and their
relationship to motivational needs: A study of the Stamp Union Program Council.
(Counseling Center Research Report # 18-89). College Park: University of
Maryland.
Cohen, S.M., & Kapsis, R.E. (1978). Participation of
Blacks, Puerto Ricans,
and Whites in voluntary
associations: A test of current theories. Social Forces, 56, 1053-1070.
Fleming, J. (1984). Blacks in college: A comparative study
of students'
success in black and white
institutions. San Francisco. Jossey-Bass.
Full-time and part-time enrollments by class level, sex,
and race: UMCP,
Fall, 1989 (1989,
September/October). Institutional Studies, XV(1), p.3. College Park: University
of Maryland.
Hughes, M.S. (1987). Black students' participation in
higher
education. Journal of College Student Personnel, 28.
532-545.
10
Latting, J.K. (1990). Motivational differences between
Black and White
volunteers. Nonprofit anal
Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 19, 121-135.
London, B., & files, M.W. (1987). Black participation:
Compensation or
ethnic identification? Journal
of Black Studies, 18(1), 20-44.
Lucas, J.S. (1985). The social participation of Blacks: A
proposed
synthesis of two competing theories.
Sociological Inquiry, 55, 97-109.
Mallinckrodt, B., & Sedlacek, W.E. (1987). Student
retention and the use of
campus facilities by race.
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24(3), 28-32.
McEwen, M.K., Roper, L.D., Bryant, D.R., & Langa, M.J.
(1990).
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Olsen, M.E. (1970). Social and political participation of
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Sedlacek, W.E., & Brooks, 6.C., Jr. (1976). Racism in
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Chicago.
11
Sergent, M.T., & Sedlacek, W.E. (1988). [Volunteer
motivations across
student organizations].
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255-261.
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missing link. American Political
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differential impact of a
university student union on
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12
Wright, D.J. (1987). Minority students: Developmental
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the needs of today's minority students (pp. 5-22). San Francisco: Jossey Bass.
13
Table 1
Means and Standard Deviations Describing Black and
White Students' Levels of Interest in Eight Campus Volunteer Opportunities |
||||||||
Volunteer Opportunity |
|
Black |
|
|
White |
|
|
Sig. At p<.05 |
|
|
Mean |
SD |
|
Mean |
SD |
|
|
Campus Recruitment |
|
2.62 |
1.15 |
|
2.96 |
1.15 |
|
|
Homecoming Committee |
|
2.7 |
1.25 |
|
2.9 |
1.16 |
|
|
Student Union Programming
Board |
|
2.65 |
1.25 |
|
3.18 |
1.05 |
|
* |
Campus Hotline/Crisis
Center |
|
2.66 |
1.29 |
|
3.12 |
1.19 |
|
* |
Counseling Center |
|
2.75 |
1.04 |
|
3.31 |
1.1 |
|
* |
Health Center |
|
2.74 |
1.27 |
|
3.5 |
1.08 |
|
* |
Athletic Department |
|
3.05 |
1.16 |
|
3.13 |
1.21 |
|
|
Co-Ed Service Fraternity |
|
2.91 |
1.17 |
|
2.95 |
1.06 |
|
|
Note. Means are based on the following scale: 1 = very
interested; 2 = somewhat interested; 3 = don't know; 4 = somewhat
disinterested; 5 = very disinterested. N = 768 (16% Black, 84% White).
14
Volunteer Opportunities Described on the
Campus Involvement Interest Survey (CIIS)
1. Maryland
Images: provide campus tours for visitor=_ and prospective UMCP students.
2. Homecoming
Committee: help to plan and coordinate the various activities related to
the celebration of Homecoming.
3. Stamp Union
Program Council: help to plan and implement social and cultural programs in
the student union.
4. Help Center:
provide distressed callers with =support and information/referral assistance
a=_ a counselor on the campus "hotline".
S. Counseling
Center: provide support in one of the Center's services for students with
special needs (e.g., Learning Assistance Service) or assist with research
projects relating to student development.
6. Health Center:
work in the Health Center as a peer educator, or provide
administrative/clerical support.
7. Athletic
Department: provide tutoring services to student athletes in your
"area of expertise".
8. Alpha Phi
Omega: work with a national co-ed service fraternity on various campus and
community service projects.