COUNSELING
CENTER
COLLEGE
PARK, MARYLAND
PESSIMISM
IN THE ACADEMY: SOCIAL CLIMATE CHANGES ON A UNIVERSITY CAMPUS OVER A FIFTEEN-YEAR
PERIOD
Marie L.
Miville and William E. Sedlacek
Research
Report #14-91
Data
were collected in cooperation with the Orientation office and were analyzed
using facilities at the Computer Science Center, both at the University of
Maryland, College Park.
COUNSELING
CENTER
COLLEGE
PARK, MARYLAND
PESSIMISM
IN THE ACADEMY: SOCIAL CLIMATE CHANGES
ON A
UNIVERSITY CAMPUS OVER A FIFTEEN-YEAR PERIOD
Marie L.
Miville and William E. Sedlacek
Research
Report # 14-91
Social climate was assessed in 1975 and again in 1990 by
asking a total of 680 entering UMCP students to rate a series of items
according to what they believed most college students feel. Items were made up
of people perceived to hold certain attitudes, such as a bigot or a Black
nationalist. It was found that students in 1990 perceived many of these items
more negatively than students in 1975, even when these perceptions were
contradictory. That is, 1990 students tended to perceive both racists and
liberals more negatively than entering students in 1975.
Implications surrounding this main finding focus on the
potential confusion and ambivalence entering students feel toward themselves,
other students, and the University itself. Perceiving an overwhelmingly
negative climate may have a similarly negative effect on student adjustment and
development. It is suggested that ambivalence may result from students not
knowing what behavior is expected or appropriate, and orientation programs
emphasizing tolerance and interaction may be devised addressing these issues.
The relationship between attitude and behavior is
intricate and complex; a variety of methods have revealed it to often be
paradoxical and counterintuitive (Fishbein & Azjen, 1975). That is,
expressed attitudes sometimes do not match behaviors that are emitted
(Berscheid, 1985). With respect to attitudes of tolerance toward diversity, for
example, Miville, Molla, and Sedlacek (in press) found that freshmen tended to
express positive attitudes, yet remain socially distant from persons of
different cultural backgrounds.
Some factors. have been identified as important determinants
of the relationship between attitude and behavior. The social climate in which
a person lives has been identified as one possible factor; it has been defined
as "the context in which people operate ...[and is determined] by the
socially agreed upon norms of what constitutes acceptable behavior"
(Martinez & Sedlacek, 1983, p. 254). Assessing social climate facilitates
an understanding of the relationship between attitudes and behavior because it
places this relationship in a broader situational context.
For example, the finding by Miville, Molla, and Sedlacek
(in press) that first year students tend to hold somewhat positive attitudes
toward international students, yet remain at a social distance, is more
comprehensible if social climate is considered. It is possible that the climate
promotes positive attitudes toward all people, but no norm for social
interaction among people from different backgrounds yet exists, or is still
1
influenced by older or more traditional norms promoting
separate social networks.
Examining the social climate is one method of assessing
what attitudes are perceived as being collectively held in a particular
environment, such as a college campus. It enables student affairs practitioners
to see the campus through the eyes of a student, allowing for more accurate
predictions and interpretations of prevailing beliefs (Martinez & Sedlacek,
1983). Also, assessing the social climate of a campus assists student affairs
professionals in identifying what changes in perceived student attitudes have
occurred over a period of time. University programs, for example, during summer
orientation, that are aimed at familiarizing students with the campus may then
be modified to reflect these changes.
One way of assessing the social climate of a particular community,
such as a college campus, is to ask students what their perceptions are of the
prevailing attitudes on that campus. Changes in these prevailing attitudes may
also be assessed by using this same method over a period of time at the same campus,
thus reducing errors associated with measuring two
different populations (Martinez and Sedlacek, 1983). The current study used
this method of assessing social climate and changes within
that climate over a fifteen year period.
In 1975, 478 students at a large public eastern
university, were administered a questionnaire containing demographic and
2
social climate items. Students were entering freshmen
attending a summer orientation program; the data was collected from random
samples throughout the summer. The same questionnaire was similarly
administered in 1990 to 202 students also attending freshman orientation at the
same university. More than 90$ of all entering freshmen attended orientation,
and all freshmen attending the data collection sessions completed the
questionnaire.
Social climate was assessed by asking students to rate on
a 5-point scale (1 = Strongly Positive) what they thought "most
college students" felt toward a series of people who held particular
beliefs. The thirty items were derived from current concerns, racial issues,
and beliefs based on the work of Rokeach, Smith, and Evans (1960). Data were
analyzed using MANOVA, by year, at the .05 level.
Table 1 contains the means, standard deviations, and tests
of significance for all items by year.
Responses within years. Students in 1975 gave
the following five most positive ratings: someone who favors coed dorms, is for
premarital sex, a liberal, a person who smokes pot, and somone who is for
gradual desegregation. The five items rated most favorably by 1990 students
were: someone who is for coed dorms, someone who is for premarital sex, a
liberal, a person favoring gradual desegregation, and a Black nationalist. But
for one item, both lists are identical both in content and in ranking.
3
Items rated most negatively by 1975 students were a thief,
a vicious person, a corrupt person, a bigot, and a racist. The five most
negatively rated items in 1990 included: a thief, a bigot, a homosexual,
someone on hard drugs, and a racist. Thus, items for the least endorsed lists
are less similar than the most endorsed lists, with 1990 students regarding
homosexuals and people on drugs much more negatively than 1975 students.
Differences between years. Generally,
entering students in 1990 tended to rate most items, even those which seem
disparate and contradictory to each other, more negatively than students in
1975. For example, items such as a bigot, someone who believes Blacks should
live only in certain areas, and a sexist received more negative ratings in 1990
than in 1975. Items such as a communist and a liberal also received more
negative-ratings in 1990 than in 1975.
1990 ratings of items dealing with social issues yielded a
more complex picture of current campus climate.
Someone favoring gradual desegregation, segregated dorms,
or against a women's studies program was rated more negatively in 1990, yet
someone who feels protest is never justified was rated more positively.
Personal/sexual items also yielded a similarly complex view of 1990 students.
These students rated homosexuals more negatively than students in 1975, yet
rated someone in favor of coed residence halls or premarital sex more
positively.
Items with the least amount of difference, and thus
involving the least of amount of change over the time period
4
included: someone who believes in fundamental differences
between races, an immoral person, and an alcoholic. These items received moderately
negative ratings. Interestingly, while attitudes toward people using illegal drugs,
such as marijuana, became more negative in 1990, ratings of alcoholics remained
unchanged.
The trend toward political conservatism first noted by
Martinez and Sedlacek (1983) in 1981 students seems to have strengthened in the
last decade. This may be seen in the increasingly negative ratings of items
such as communist, liberal, and an amoral person. Items demonstrating the areas
of greatest change between the two time periods also support this finding;
persons using hard drugs or smoking pot, for example, were viewed much more
negatively in 1990 than in 1975.
The few items receiving a more positive rating in 1990,
such as a person who believes protest is never justified and a selfish person,
suggest that students in 1990 seem to be increasingly less focused on social
issues, and are instead more concerned with personal issues, particularly those
that deal with promoting or advancing oneself. These themes seem to be in line
with the increasingly conservative climate that is perceived on university
campuses by students.
Yet, paradoxically, increased negativity was found in
other items as well, such as bigot, sexist, and someone who is for segregated
residence halls or believes Blacks should only live in certain areas; items
that could be labeled politically liberal.
5
A number of reasons may be proposed for these findings.
Students may be reflecting a socially desirable stance; that is, they may be
responding to these particular items as they feel they should respond. But,
given that this study is focusing on how students perceive the campus climate,
rather than how they actually feel toward these items themselves, a second
explanation is possible. The findings on the whole seem to suggest that
incoming students are perceiving a social climate that is prohibitive on many
levels, being made up of seemingly contradictory and mostly negative attitudes.
In effect, students seem to expect a more negative climate today than they did
fifteen years ago, and are less. optimistic as they enter college. Not only are
communists and liberals to be feared or disliked, so too are bigots and
racists.
Such a climate may have a debilitative effect on student
adjustment and development, especially as confusion arises within an individual
as to what may be considered "acceptable" behaviors or beliefs.
Attempting to adapt to an environment that is negative toward many persons and
groups may lead to problems for a new person in a system attempting to deal
with identity issues and social acceptance. And if students are feeling
confused about what is acceptable behavior, they may be less likely to make
significant connections with various groups on campus since they are unsure
what norms will be followed in a particular group; on campus connections have
been shown to be related to subsequent retention (Tracey and Sedlacek, 1984).
6
Negativity, especially if it is internalized, may also
lead to increased intolerance toward people from diverse backgrounds.
Ambivalence has already been observed in freshmen attitudes toward others from
diverse backgrounds; that is, entering students may express positive attitudes
but refrain from subsequent interaction (Miville, Molla, and Sedlacek, in
press). The current data suggest that such ambivalence may result from students
not knowing what behavior is expected or appropriate. Without norms to guide
students toward tolerance and interaction, the current problems of prejudice,
and sometimes violence, at universities will likely continue. This is an issue
of deep concern to universities who are admitting greater numbers of students
from racially and ethnically different backgrounds (Sedlacek, 1987), and who
must subsequently deal with retention of all students. Orientation programs
emphasizing tolerance and interaction could thus be devised that specifically
address these issues.
Even though 1990 students generally perceived more
negativity that 1975 students, items selected as most positive or most negative
were similar for both groups. This may indicate the constancy of certain
developmental issues, such as those dealing with sexuality. For example,
attitudes toward coed residence halls and premarital sex were very positive in
both 1975 and 1990, indicating that universities may want to initiate or
continue programs dealing with health issues of birth control and AIDS. These
attitudes may also express a continuing
7
developmental process of becoming a part of society, or
campus life, and its social networks. Programs enabling students to make these
initial connections could assist a student's satisfactory adjustment to the
university.
In the most recent sample, positive attitudes did not
extend to homosexuals, leading back to the trend of political conservativism
and negativity on university campuses. This finding also indicates the need to
devise programming aimed not only at encouraging tolerance among different
races and ethnicities, but among persons of differing lifestyles. With the
increase of AIDS on campus, programming aimed at demythologizing sub-cultures
affected by the disease may be of great value to universities.
As Martinez and Sedlacek (1983) suggested, student affairs
professionals must be cautious in devising programs based on assumptions of
what student beliefs and values are. Some of these attitudes, particularly
those that are political in nature, seem to be modifiable over time. Others,
especially those dealing with developmental issues such as sexuality, seem to
remain fairly constant over time. Empirically discovering these attitudes and
their relations may help provide an effective basis on which programming
decisions may subsequently be made by student affairs professionals.
8
Berscheid, E. (1985). Interpersonal attraction. In G.
Lindzey & E. Aronson (Eds.). The handbook of social
psychology. (3rd
ed., Vol. 2, pp. 413-484). New York: Random House.
Fishbein, M., & Azjen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude,
intention, and behavior: An introduction to theory and
research.
Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
Martinez, A. C., & Sedlacek, W. E. (1983). Changes in
the social climate of a college campus over a decade.
College and University, 5$, 254-259.
Miville, M. L., Molla, B., & Sedlacek, W. E. (in
press). Attitudes of tolerance for diversity among college
students. Journal of the
Freshman Year Experience.
Sedlacek, W. E. (1987). Black students on White campuses:
Twenty years of research. Journal of College
Student Personnel, 28, 484-495.
Tracey, T. J., & Sedlacek, W. E. (1984). Noncognitive
variables in predicting academic success by race.
Measurement an Evaluation
in Guidance, 16, 171-178.
9
Table 1: Means, Standard Deviations, and Tests of
Significance for Social Climate Items By Year |
|||||
|
1975 |
|
1990 |
||
Item |
Mean |
SD |
|
Mean |
SD |
1. Athiest |
3.22 |
0.82 |
|
3.34 |
0.69 |
2.Bigot |
4.13* |
0.81 |
|
4.33 |
0.73 |
3. Someone on hard drugs |
3.8* |
0.84 |
|
4.26 |
0.74 |
4. Communist |
3.9* |
0.85 |
|
4.2 |
0.72 |
5. Against Black studies |
3.81 |
0.86 |
|
4 |
0.82 |
6. For premarital sex |
2.22* |
0.86 |
|
2.02 |
0.88 |
7. Racist |
4.13 |
0.85 |
|
4.25 |
0.83 |
8. Corrupt person |
4.19 |
0.8 |
|
4.09 |
0.76 |
9. Liberal |
2.31* |
0.85 |
|
2.71 |
0.75 |
10. Cheats on tests |
3.65 |
0.82 |
|
3.73 |
0.76 |
11. Believe Blacks only
should live in certain areas |
4.09* |
0.9 |
|
4.25 |
0.83 |
12.Politically apathtic |
3.37 |
0.76 |
|
3.27 |
0.61 |
13. Amoral person |
3.26* |
0.85 |
|
3.53 |
0.84 |
14. Against interracial
fraternities/sororities |
3.88 |
0.81 |
|
4.01 |
0.8 |
15. Thief |
4.49* |
0.74 |
|
4.59 |
0.7 |
16. Believes fundamental
differences between races |
3.68 |
0.93 |
|
3.67 |
0.94 |
17. Homosexual |
3.96* |
0.83 |
|
4.3 |
0.75 |
18. Smokes pot |
2.64* |
0.93 |
|
3.25 |
0.8 |
19. Sexist |
3.49* |
0.88 |
|
3.79 |
0.73 |
20. For gradual
desegregation |
2.97* |
0.87 |
|
3.21 |
1.14 |
21. For coed dorms |
2.02* |
0.89 |
|
1.76 |
0.82 |
22. Immoral person |
3.61 |
0.84 |
|
3.68 |
0.72 |
23. Against busing |
3.12* |
0.91 |
|
3.38 |
0.74 |
24. Feels protest is never
justified |
3.82* |
0.84 |
|
3.49 |
0.69 |
25. Vicious person |
4.2 |
0.87 |
|
4.18 |
0.77 |
26. For segregated dorms |
3.77* |
0.96 |
|
4.14 |
0.89 |
27. Against women's studies |
3.87 |
0.78 |
|
4.05 |
0.75 |
28. Black nationalist |
3.47* |
0.85 |
|
3.21 |
0.81 |
29.Alcoholic |
3.74 |
0.81 |
|
3.67 |
0.68 |
30. Selfish person |
4.08* |
0.75 |
|
3.83 |
0.76 |
* Significant at p < .05 using MANOVA
1 = Strongly positive feelings, 5 = Strongly negative
feelings
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