COUNSELING
CENTER
UNIVERSITY
OF MARYLAND
COLLEGE
PARK, MARYLAND
SEXUAL
HARASSMENT DURING THE HIGH SCHOOL YEARS:
EXPERIENCES
AND PERCEPTIONS OF INCOMING UNIVERSITY STUDENTS
Victoria
J. Balenger and William E. Sedlacek
Research
Report No. 4-92
This research
project was supported by the Stamp Student Union and the Counseling Center,
University of Maryland, College Park. Data were collected with the cooperation
of the Orientation Office, Division of Student Affairs, University of Maryland,
College Park. Computer time was provided by the Computer Science Center,
University of Maryland, College Park.
COUNSELING
CENTER
UNIVERSITY
OF MARYLAND
COLLEGE
PARK, MARYLAND
SEXUAL
HARASSMENT DURING THE HIGH SCHOOL YEARS:
EXPERIENCES
AND PERCEPTIONS OF INCOMING UNIVERSITY STUDENTS
Victoria
J. Balenger and William E. Sedlacek
Research
Report No. 4-92
Summary
Incoming first-year students (N=317? at University
of Maryland, College Park were surveyed about their experiences of sexual
harassment by high school teachers. More than half of the respondents reported
having experienced some of the "milder" forms of sexual or gender
harassment during high school. Moderately severe incidents, such as sexual
teasing, jokes, comments, or questions by teachers outsider of class, were
reported by one-quarter of respondents. The most serious types of sexual
harassment, those that actually involved sexual activity, were reported by only
one percent of respondents. Student perceptions of the prevalence of sexual
harassment in their high schools, specific incidents that constitute
harassment, and the seriousness of various harassment incidents were also
assessed.
Sexual Harassment
3
Sexual
Harassment During the High School Years:
Experiences
and Perceptions of Incoming University Students
Various researchers have addressed the nature and
prevalence of sexual harassment at colleges and universities, where between 20%
and 50! of women undergraduates and graduate students have reported being
sexually harassed (Adams, Kotte, & Padgitt, 1983; Benson & Thomson,
1982; Cammaert, 1985; Glaser & Thorpe, 1986; Maihoff & Forrest, 1983;
Mazer & Percival, 1989a; Reilly, Lott, & Gallogly, 19863. However,
little attention has been focused on sexual harassment of students at the high
school level.
The high school years represent a critical period of
academic, social, and psychological development. There is reason to expect that
an experience of sexual harassment might compromise a student's growth in these
areas, especially in light of the evidence documenting the negative effects on
women who have been harassed. For example, women who have been sexually
harassed in the workplace have reported feelings of confusion, fear, anger,
anxiety, depression, helplessness, and lower self-confidence (Benson
& Thomson, 1982; Cammaert, 1985; Kass, 1985; Sandler, 1981;, as well as
anxiety attacks, headaches, sleep disturbance, disordered eating,
gastrointestinal disorders, nausea, weight loss (or gain), and crying spells
(Crull, 1982; Gutek, 1981).
While such emotional and physical distress in itself can
Sexual Harassment
4
adversely affect academic performance, sexual harassment
may also have more direct negative effects on a student's education. Malovich
and Stake (1990) cited evidence that women who have been sexually harassed
often react by avoiding the harasser, and may become more reluctant to form
mentor relationships with other male faculty (Benson & Thomson, 1982;
Sandler, 1981). They observed, "Hence, the harassment experience can have
long-term negative effects on the student's sense of attachment to her.
academic program and her enthusiasm for her academic work" (p. 64). In
their study, Malovich and Stake (1990) found that college women with low self-esteem
who had been sexually harassed coped by avoiding the teacher who harassed them.
It seems clear that such avoidance behavior could be detrimental to a student's
academic performance.
Although no published studies were found in which high
school students have been surveyed about their sexual harassment experiences,
there have been at least two studies of college students that addressed high
school harassment. In a study of 1,178 male and female graduate and
undergraduate students from four different academic departments, McCormack
(1985) found that 17% of the women (N=89) and 2% of the men (N=13) had at one
time been sexually harassed. Here; a definition of sexual harassment from the
Council of Graduate Education (1980) was used: "Sexual harassment is
defined as
5
the use of one's authority to coerce another individual
into sexual relations or to punish the other person for his/her refusal. Sexual
harassment also includes any deliberate, repeated, unsolicited oral or written
comment, statement, anecdote, gesture, or physical contact of a sexual nature
that is offensive and unwelcomed" (p. 25).
With regard to the relative degree of sexual harassment at
different educational levels, McCormack (1985) found that 38% of the 102
incidents reported by women had occurred during high school. Among the 89
graduate and undergraduate women who reported having been sexually harassed,
12% said they had been harassed on more than one educational level. In her
discussion, the researcher suggested that, for women, the likelihood of being
sexually harassed by teachers increases as they continue their educational
careers.
In another study, Malovich and Stake (1990) surveyed 224
male and female undergraduate college students about their experiences with
three categories of sexual harassment: inappropriate jokes/remarks; rude
staring/inappropriate physical contact; and threat/promise in exchange for
social-sexual interaction. These researchers found that 38% of the women
and 12% of the men had been sexually harassed. Among women, 26% reported
harassment by high school teachers, and 7% reported harassment by both high
school and college teachers. Eleven percent of men had been harassed by high
Sexual Harassment
6
school teachers; none had experienced harassment in both
settings. Students were asked to respond to two hypothetical sexual harassment
scenarios, and their attributions of blame (victim, perpetrator, or neither)
were significantly related to attitudes toward women, gender, and self-esteem.
However, subjects who had been sexually harassed did not differ from those who
had not in their attributions of blame.
There is some evidence that sexual harassment in the high
schools is not perpetrated only by teachers. In a survey of North Carolina
school superintendents, 38'1. reported having been a superintendent in a school
system where an athletic coach had been disciplined for an improper
relationship with a student (Wishnietsky & Felder, 1989). Also, a recent
U.S. Supreme Court case involved a former Georgia high school student who had
been sexually harassed by a male teacher and athletic coach. In a decision that
expanded the scope of a 1972 law (Title IX) prohibiting sex discrimination in
federally-funded programs, the court decided that students who experience
sexual harassment and other forms of sex discrimination have the right to win
money damages from their schools (Marcus, 1992).
Given the evidence that sexual harassment occurs at the
high school level, it is important to document its prevalence and obtain
information about student reactions to this phenomenon. The major purpose of
this study was to assess the
Sexual Harassment
7
high school sexual harassment experiences of male and
female students entering college. Because the students surveyed had not yet
attended college, their responses can be viewed as "baseline data" on
student experiences with sexual harassment during high school. In addition,
student attitudes toward sexual harassment were assessed. Specifically,
students were asked to estimate the frequency with which other males and females
in their high schools experienced various forms of sexual harassment, to
indicate which specific types of incidents they considered to be sexual
harassment, and to rate the seriousness of various forms of sexual harassment.
While previous research has addressed attitudes toward
sexual harassment among college students (Fitzgerald & Ormerod 1991;
Malovich & Stake, 1990; Mazer & Percival, 1989b; Reilly, Lott, &
Gallogly, 1986?, this survey of incoming college students should offer more
information on the attitudes that develop during high school, unconfounded by
the college experience.
Participants were 148 male and 169 female incoming new
students attending summer orientation on randomly selected days at a large,
eastern university. Data were collected in a group setting, and participation
was voluntary and anonymous. Nearly 100% of the students given the survey
actually completed it. The mean age of the sample was 17.7 years
Sexual Harassment
8
(SD=.71). The majority of participants were White (71%),
although Black (14%), Asian (11%), and Hispanic (2%) students were also
represented.
Students were given a modified version of a survey used by
Mazer and Percival (1989a), who drew most of their items from a survey
originally developed by Reilly, Lott, & Gallogly (1986) (see Appendices A
and B). After participants completed the survey, they were given a referral
sheet that listed places on campus where they could go for counseling or
information about sexual. harassment.
Chi square and descriptive statistics were used to analyze
the data.
Prevalence of Sexual Harassment
Table 1 summarizes the percentages of respondents that
reported having experienced each incident on the survey. A majority, both male
and female, reported having experienced some of the "milder" forms of
sexual harassment during high school. Sixty-six percent reported that
their teachers had made jokes or remarks in class that "put down"
women; 61% reported that their teachers had told sexually explicit jokes or
personal anecdotes; and 521. reported that their teachers had made jokes or
remarks in class that "put down" men.
Incidents with teachers outside of class seemed to be less
prevalent, although 24% of students indicated that their
Sexual Harassment 9 teachers had subjected them to sexual
teasing, jokes, comments, or questions. The most serious forms of sexual
harassment, those that involved attempts to kiss or fondle, sexual pressure, or
actual sexual activity, were reported by only a few respondents (1% or less of
the sample).
------------------------
Insert Table I about here.
------------------------
There were significant gender differences in relation to
three sexual harassment incidents (chi square at .05 level). Females were
significantly more likely than males to have experienced sexually suggestive
comments made by teachers in class (females 22%, males 11%), and, outside of
class, sexually suggestive looks or gestures (females 20%, males 4'L) and
deliberate touching or physical closeness (females 22%, males 6X).
Perceptions of Sexual Harassment Experiences of Other
Students
Table 2 summarizes participants' perceptions of how many
female and male students in their high schools experienced various forms of
sexual harassment. Although these items were not tested for significance, there
appear to be several differences worth noting. Generally, participants
perceived that males more often than females experienced sexually explicit
jokes or personal anecdotes (males 36%, females 266) or sexually obscene language
(males 26%, females 18'6) by
Sexual Harassment
10
teachers in class. Participants believed that women more
often experienced sexually suggestive comments by teachers
in
class (females 16%, males 5%), and, outside of class,
sexually
suggestive looks or gestures from teachers (females 16%,
males
1%), sexual teasing, jokes, comments, or questions from
teachers (females 21%, males 11%), and deliberate touching
or
physical closeness from teachers (females 12%, males 3%).
Insert Table 2 about here.
Perceptions of Specific Incidents that Constitute Sexual
Harassment
Respondents were asked to indicate which specific
incidents constituted sexual harassment. Results are summarized in Table 3.
Participants tended to agree that some of the incidents in class and most of
the incidents outside of class were sexual harassment. In class, sexually
suggestive comments to students (84%) and jokes or remarks that "put
down" homosexuals (55%) or women (41%) as a group were most likely to be
perceived as sexual harassment. There were significant gender differences with
regard to teachers telling sexually explicit jokes or anecdotes (females 37%,
males 18%) or using obscene language (females 45%, males 25%), with females
more often considering both of these to be harassment (chi square at .05
level).
Sexual Harassment
11
-------------------------
Insert Table 3 about here.
-------------------------
High percentages of male and female respondents tended to
agree that most of the incidents outside of class constituted sexual
harassment. Nearly all indicated that the following incidents were sexual
harassment: attempts by the teacher to kiss or fondle a student (94X3; pressure
for sexual activities (94X); communications to the effect that a student would
experience either positive (94X3 or negative t96%3 consequences for
participating in sexual activities, and actual sexual, activity that results
from fear of negative consequences (93X3. Students were slightly less likely to
agree that sexual activity resulting from positive incentives offered by the
teacher was sexual harassment (84%).
There were two significant gender differences with regard
to incidents outside of class (chi square at .O5 level). Females were more
likely than males to consider pressure for social contact (females 62%, males
48%) and sexual activity resulting from positive incentives offered by the
teacher (females 88%, males 79%) to be sexual harassment.
Ratings of the Seriousness of Various Incidents
Students were asked to rate the seriousness of 'various
incidents that might be considered sexual harassment. Results are summarized in
Table 4. Generally, students tended to rate
Sexual Harassment
12
incidents that occurred outside of class to be more
serious than those that occurred in class. However, certain in-class
incidents were considered to be serious or very serious by many students.
Specifically, students indicated that making sexually suggestive comments to a
student (76%), making remarks that "put down" women (44%) or
homosexuals as a group (49%) were serious or very serious. There were
significant gender differences in terms of the perceived seriousness of all
incidents with teachers in class, with females rating all of them to be more
serious than did males (chi square at .05 level).
--------------------------
Insert Table 4 about here.
--------------------------
With regard to incidents outside of class, students tended
to consider all of them to be serious or very serious. Actual percentages of
students who considered the incidents to be serious or very serious ranged from
57% to 99%. There were gender differences in terms of the perceived seriousness
of five incidents with teachers outside of class (chi square at .05 level).
Compared to males, females considered it to be more serious when teachers did
each of the following things: made sexually suggestive looks or gestures toward
a student subjected a student to sexual teasing, jokes, comments, or
Sexual Harassment
13
questions; pressured a student for social contact;
pressured a
student for sexual activities; or had sex with a student
who
participated because of positive incentives offered by the
teacher.
Prevalence of Sexual Harassment
A major purpose of this study was to obtain "baseline
data" on the frequency with which different types of sexual harassment are
experienced by high school students. Although at least two studies have
addressed harassment during the high school years (Malovich & Stake, 1990;
MacCormick, 1985), each of these had rather low response rates that may have
compromised the representativeness of the sample. In this study, nearly 100% of
students who were given the survey actually completed it. Although females and
White students are slightly over-represented (both by 7%), the
demographics of the sample are similar to the population of incoming. first-year
students for the semester in which data were collected (Office of Institutional
Studies, 1991).
From the results of this study, it is apparent that sexual
harassment by teachers is a part of students' high school experience that they
bring with them to college. For example, high proportions of both the men and the women in this sample had experienced or observed teachers' using sexually
obscene language, making sexually explicit jokes, or
Sexual Harassment
14
making jokes that "put down" women, men, or
homosexuals. In
Till's (1980) framework of types of sexual harassment,
such
experiences were characterized as "gender
harassment". There
is evidence that gender harassment is also very prevalent
on
college campuses (Cammaert, 1985; Mazer & Percival,
1981a;
Reilly et al., 1986) and in the federal workplace (USMSPB,
1981).
Although men and women reported having experienced similar
levels of gender harassment during high school, women had more often been
subjected to what Till (1980) called "seductive behavior". Women
reported significantly more experiences in which a teacher had treated them as
an object of sexual interest, for example, by making sexually suggestive looks
or remarks to them or touching them. Another dimension that may be important in
considering gender differences in harassment experiences is whether a incident
occurs in or outside of class. Generally, incidents occurring outside of class
were rated as more serious by respondents than those that occurred in class.
Women more often than men reported having experienced two such incidents: being
the object of teachers' sexually suggestive looks or gestures, and being
subjected to deliberate touching or physical closeness.
The forms of sexual harassment involving direct-pressure
and/or sexual activity were found to be the least prevalent. One percent or
less of respondents reported having had these
Sexual Harassment
15
experiences, and there were no gender differences in this regard. Although it does not appear that many high school students are harassed to the point of having sex with their teachers, to whatever extent this does occur, the seriousness of this problem cannot be underestimated. Student affairs professionals should be prepared to offer counseling referrals to any student who has had such an experience, both to address any continuing academic or emotional-social effects, and to decrease the likelihood of revictimization during college.
Perceptions of Sexual Harassment Experiences of Other
Students
Regarding perceptions of the frequency of various
harassment incidents, these corresponded fairly well to respondents' reports of
their own experiences. For example, 60% believed that "some" or
"a few" females had had teachers make sexually suggestive comments to
them; 221. of female respondents reported that this had actually happened to
them. Fifty-six percent perceived that "some" or "a
few" males had received sexually suggestive comments, while 111, of the
males actually reported having had this experience.
Similar patterns were noted with a range of incidents
including use of sexually obscene language, sexually suggestive looks or
gestures, and pressure for social contact. The incidents which had been
experienced by the highest proportion (more than 50%) of respondents -sexually
Sexual Harassment
16
explicit jokes or personal anecdotes and jokes or remarks
that "put down" women or men - were often identified as having
been experienced by "most" or "many" students during high
school.
Respondents correctly perceived that women were harassed
more often than men, for instance, 78% believed that none of the males in their
high schools had been pressured for sexual activities, while 61% believed that. none of the females had had this experience. Also,
respondents were accurate in their perception that fewer female and male
students had experienced the more severe forms of sexual harassment, such as
being threatened with negative consequences if one refused to participate in sexual
activities with a teacher.
Perceptions of Specific Incidents that Constitute Sexual
Harassment and Seriousness Ratings
Finally, respondents were asked to indicate which
incidents they considered to be sexual harassment, and to rate the seriousness
of each incident. While students were in consensus that the incidents involving
pressure for sexual activity or actual sexual activity with a teacher
constituted sexual harassment, and serious harassment at that, some of the most
illuminating findings concerned the lesser incidents. Examination of responses
in these "gray areas" raises two related issues that seem central to
any debate about-sexual harassment.
Sexual Harassment
17
First is the question of how well students understand the
dynamics of power and oppression that are assumed .by many to underlie sexual
harassment (Benson & Thomson, 1982; Hoffman, 1986; MacKinnon, 1979).
Although this issue was not directly addressed in this study, it is relevant to
note that, among incidents in class, jokes or remarks that "put down"
homosexuals (55%? or women (41%? were among the most likely to be perceived as
sexual harassment. After sexually suggestive comments, these incidents of
gender harassment were also considered to be the most serious in-class
incidents. That both female and male students were able to recognize such jokes
or remarks as harassment suggests an awareness of their insidious impact on
gays/lesbians and women in the classroom.
Second is the issue of gender differences in perceptions
of sexual harassment. The results in this area corroborate the evidence that
undergraduate men and women perceive the same types of incidents or situations
very differently (Adams, Kottke, & Padgitt, 1983; Collins & Blodgett,
1981; Kenig & Ryan, 1986; Mazer & Percival, 1989b; Reilly et al.,
1986). (Similar findings have been reported with regard to faculty and graduate
students (Fitzgerald & Ormerod, 1991)). In this study, women were more
likely than men to consider two in-class behaviors by teachers to be
sexual harassment: telling sexually explicit jokes or personal anecdotes and
using sexually obscene language. Even more dramatic was the
18
finding that, compared to men, women rated every in-class
incident to be significantly more serious.
A similar pattern was noted with incidents outside of
class. While all respondents tended to view these as sexual harassment and to
take them seriously, there were significant gender differences that may be best
understood in the context of divergent experiences of sexual socialization.
Compared to men, women more often considered two of the incidents to be sexual
harassment: pressure for social contact and (the student? participating in
sexual activities because of a favor, reward, or anticipated positive consequences.
Likewise, they rated five of the incidents to be significantly more serious.
Generally, it seems that the less overt incidents of
sexual or gender harassment have very different symbolic significance for women
and men. Where both might feel vulnerable and powerless in cases where they are
directly pressured to have sex, women apparently feel more threatened by a
teacher's sexual joke or social invitation. This heightened sensitivity may be
attributable to women's experiences with a larger system of sexism that
includes stereotypes them and limits their opportunities.
One aspect of this system that may have a profound
influence on female perceptions is the reality of sexual coercion and violence
that are often used by males to maintain
Sexual Harassment
19
the traditional power (im)balance. As noted earlier, the
women in this study had more often than the men experienced three of the
harassment incidents assessed by the survey. Over one-fifth had had a
teacher subject them to deliberate touching or physical closeness outside of
class. Thus, for women, even the "milder" incidents of gender
harassment may serve both as disempowering reminders of their sexual
vulnerability and as portents that the harassing behavior itself could
escalate.
The "flip side" of how the substrate of sexism
may affect perceptions of sexual harassment is that incidents which threaten or
demean female students may seem inconsequential or even self-aggrandizing
to male students (although this is not to say that the teacher's behavior
should be excused). It might be easy for a male student to dismiss the sexually
suggestive comments of a female teacher whose advances are unlikely to
escalate, given the sociosexualscript in which men are usually the pursuers
(Laws & Schwartz, 1977; McCormick & Jesser, 1983). Further, male
students may feel a sense of camaraderie with a same-sex teacher who
tells a dirty joke, especially given that most sexually explicit jokes in our
society are from a heterosexual male perspective with females as the sexual
objects. Of course, these dynamics probably change when a male student
experiences more direct harassment, such as pressure for sexual activity by a
male teacher.
20
Finally, it is interesting to note that, when sexual activity
with a teacher is involved, women are more likely to view this as exploitative
and damaging to even the student who has received some reward or incentive. As
with the incidents of gender harassment, this difference may reflect women's
greater awareness that sexual harassment is essentially an abuse of power and
authority.
Because men are usually able to take for granted that they
will not be coerced or forced into sexual activity, and they likewise do not
expect their educational and career opportunities to be compromised by sexual
harassment, they may perceive this situation as a mutually-beneficial
arrangement in which the student is choosing to exchange sex for personal gain.
Women, who are often sexually coerced (Christopher, 1988; Murnen, Perot, &
Byrne, 1989) and experience sexual harassment with some regularity
(USMSPB), 1981, 1987), are better
situated to understand that the student who has sex with a teacher for reward
or incentive has been put in a double bind (i.e., her teacher has tied her
academic success to her sexual compliance, and she does not have the power to
effectively challenge this disposition) that compromises her ability to make a
free choice.
Future Research Directions
This study has documented the high school experiences and
current perceptions of sexual harassment in one group of
Sexual Harassment
21
incoming college students. While the findings offer a
starting point for those who want to understand the sexual harassment
"history" of students entering college, additional research is needed
to increase the breadth and depth of our knowledge about this complex issue.
Concerning the accuracy with which students reported their
experiences of sexual harassment, it is important to note that memories and
perceptions may change over time. Therefore, this retrospective study should be
supplemented with research in which actual high school students are surveyed.
In addition to providing confirmatory evidence, such research could include
those students who never attend college (some of whom may have had their
academic performance or self-concept compromised by experiences of sexual
or gender harassment).
A related issue is that students entering college are in
the midst of a developmental transition that may influence their responses to a
survey on the emotionally-charged topic of sexual harassment. Thus, it
might be illuminating to replicate this study with students at different class
levels. The effects of other variables, including developmental stage and
college experience (e.g., incidents of sexual or gender harassment) might also
be assessed.
Another area that might be fruitfully explored with
college students is the perceived effects of sexual or gender
Sexual Harassment
22
harassment that has occurred during high school. From their
vantage point, college students might be able to provide information on how the
harassment affected them during high school, and how it continues to impact
their academic and emotional-social functioning. Incidentally, this
question
might also be used with college students in individual or group
counseling to help them process earlier experiences of harassment.
Some of the most suggestive findings of this study
concerned gender differences in perceptions-of sexual harassment. One
question that deserves further study is whether women take "milder"
incidents of gender harassment more seriously because they more often
experience incidents in which they are the target of a teacher's sexual
interest (e.g., sexually suggestive looks or gestures). Generally, the
phenomonological nature of gender differences in this area suggests that a
qualitative approach might be most useful in future research. Such qualitative
data would provide a context for understanding the divergent experiences and
assumptions that ultimately shape male and female perceptions of sexual
harassment.
Sexual Harassment
23
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Washington, DC: Department of Education.
U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board (USMSPB) (1951). Sexual
harassment of
federal workers: Is it a
problem? Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.
U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board (USMSPB) (1987). Sexual
harassment of
federal workers: An update. Washington,
DC: United States Government Printing Office.
Wishnietsky, D., & Felder, D. (1989). Assessing coach-student
relationships. Journal of
Physical Education, Recreation
and Dance, 60(7),
76-79.
Sexual Harassment
27
|
Table 1: Percentages of Males and Females that
Reported Experiencing Various Incidents of Sexual Harassment During High
School |
||||||||
|
Incident |
Males |
|
Females |
|
Total |
|||
|
|
N |
% |
|
N |
% |
|
N |
% |
|
INCIDENTS WITH TEACHERS IN
CLASS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sexually explicit
jokes/anecdotes |
95 |
65 |
|
95 |
57 |
|
190 |
61 |
|
Sexually obscene language |
62 |
42 |
|
64 |
38 |
|
126 |
40 |
|
Sexually suggestive
comments (a) |
16 |
11 |
|
37 |
22 |
|
53 |
17 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down women |
91 |
66 |
|
110 |
66 |
|
201 |
66 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down men |
83 |
58 |
|
79 |
47 |
|
162 |
52 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down homosexuals |
54 |
39 |
|
47 |
28 |
|
101 |
33 |
|
INCIDENTS WITH TEACHERS
OUTSIDE OF CLASS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sexually suggestive
looks/gestures (a) |
6 |
4 |
|
33 |
20 |
|
39 |
12 |
|
Sexual
teasing/jokes/comments/questions |
26 |
19 |
|
47 |
28 |
|
73 |
24 |
|
Deliberate
touching/physical closeness |
9 |
6 |
|
37 |
22 |
|
46 |
15 |
|
Pressure for social
contact |
6 |
4 |
|
13 |
8 |
|
19 |
6 |
|
Attempts to kiss or fondle |
1 |
1 |
|
3 |
2 |
|
4 |
1 |
|
Pressure for sexual
activities |
1 |
1 |
|
2 |
1 |
|
3 |
1 |
|
Implied positive
consequences for participating in sexual activities |
0 |
0 |
|
2 |
1 |
|
2 |
1 |
|
Implied negative
consequences for participating in sexual activities |
0 |
0 |
|
1 |
1 |
|
1 |
0 |
|
Participation in sexual
activities for favor/reward or other positive consequence |
1 |
1 |
|
0 |
0 |
|
1 |
0 |
|
Participation in sexual
activities for fear of negative consequence or due to pressure or threat |
1 |
1 |
|
0 |
0 |
|
1 |
0 |
(a) Gender difference significant at .05 level (chi
square).
Sexual Harassment
29
|
Table 2: Respondent Perceptions of How Many Male
and Female Students Experienced Various Incidents of Sexual Harassment During
High School |
||||||||
|
Incident |
Perceptions (% Selecting Each Category) |
|||||||
|
|
Most/Many |
|
Some/Few |
|
None |
|||
|
|
M |
F |
|
M |
F |
|
M |
F |
|
INCIDENTS WITH TEACHERS IN
CLASS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sexually Explicit
jokes/anecdotes |
36 |
26 |
|
58 |
68 |
|
6 |
6 |
|
Sexually obscene language |
26 |
18 |
|
57 |
60 |
|
17 |
22 |
|
Sexually suggestive
comments |
5 |
16 |
|
56 |
60 |
|
39 |
24 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down women |
43 |
40 |
|
45 |
52 |
|
12 |
8 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down men |
14 |
18 |
|
68 |
61 |
|
18 |
20 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down homosexuals |
24 |
19 |
|
51 |
53 |
|
24 |
28 |
|
INCIDENTS WITH TEACHERS
OUTSIDE OF CLASS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sexually suggestive
looks/gestures |
1 |
16 |
|
54 |
61 |
|
45 |
23 |
|
Sexual
teasing/jokes/comments/questions |
11 |
21 |
|
61 |
60 |
|
29 |
19 |
|
Deliberate
touching/physical closeness |
3 |
12 |
|
45 |
63 |
|
52 |
38 |
|
Pressure for social
contact |
1 |
3 |
|
35 |
51 |
|
64 |
46 |
|
Attempts to kiss or fondle |
0 |
3 |
|
25 |
43 |
|
166 |
73 |
|
Pressure for sexual
activities |
0 |
2 |
|
22 |
37 |
|
188 |
78 |
|
Implied positive
consequence for participating in sexual activities |
0 |
2 |
|
22 |
34 |
|
78 |
65 |
|
Implied negative
consequences for refusing to participate in sexual activities |
1 |
2 |
|
15 |
26 |
|
85 |
73 |
|
Participation in sexual
activities for favor/reward or other positive consequence |
0 |
0 |
|
17 |
29 |
|
217 |
83 |
|
Participation in sexual
activities for fear of negative consequence or due to pressure or threat |
1 |
1 |
|
10 |
25 |
|
229 |
89 |
Note. No tests of significance were run for these
responses.
Sexual Harassment
31
|
Table 3: Male and Female Respondent Perceptions of
Which Specific Incidents Constitute Sexual Harassment |
|||||
|
Incident |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
% Who Believe Incident is Harassment |
||||
|
|
Male |
|
Female |
|
Total |
|
INCIDENTS WITH TEACHERS IN
CLASS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sexually Explicit
jokes/anecdotes(a) |
18 |
|
37 |
|
28 |
|
Sexually obscene
language(a) |
25 |
|
45 |
|
36 |
|
Sexually suggestive
comments |
82 |
|
85 |
|
84 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down women |
39 |
|
43 |
|
41 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down men |
37 |
|
39 |
|
38 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down homsexuals |
52 |
|
57 |
|
55 |
|
INCIDENTS WITH TEACHERS
OUTSIDE OF CLASS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sexually suggestive
looks/gestures |
83 |
|
88 |
|
86 |
|
Sexual
teasing/jokes/comments/questions |
69 |
|
75 |
|
72 |
|
Deliberate
touching/physical closeness |
88 |
|
88 |
|
88 |
|
Pressure for social
contact(a) |
48 |
|
62 |
|
55 |
|
Attempts to kiss or fondle |
93 |
|
94 |
|
94 |
|
Pressure for sexual
activities |
94 |
|
95 |
|
94 |
|
Implied positive
consequence for participating in sexual activities |
93 |
|
95 |
|
94 |
|
Implied negative
consequences for refusing to participate in sexual activities |
96 |
|
96 |
|
96 |
|
Participation in sexual
activities for favor/reward or other positive consequence(a) |
79 |
|
88 |
|
84 |
|
Participation in sexual
activities for fear of negative consequence or due to pressure or threat |
91 |
|
95 |
|
93 |
(a) Gender
difference significant at .05 level (chi square).
Sexual Harassment
33
|
Table 4: Male and Female Respondent Perceptions of
the Seriousness of Various Incidents of Sexual Harassment |
|||||||
|
Incident |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
% Rating Incident in Each Category (a) |
|
|
||||
|
|
Very |
|
Serious |
|
Somewhat |
|
Not |
|
INCIDENTS WITH TEACHERS IN
CLASS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sexually Explicit
jokes/anecdotes(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
10 |
|
23 |
|
36 |
|
32 |
|
Females |
46 |
|
33 |
|
32 |
|
16 |
|
Total |
15 |
|
29 |
|
33 |
|
23 |
|
Sexually obscene language(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
7 |
|
17 |
|
33 |
|
44 |
|
Females |
10 |
|
28 |
|
38 |
|
36 |
|
Total |
8 |
|
23 |
|
36 |
|
33 |
|
Sexually suggestive
comments(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
12 |
|
29 |
|
31 |
|
28 |
|
Females |
23 |
|
33 |
|
26 |
|
19 |
|
Total |
18 |
|
31 |
|
28 |
|
23 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down women(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
10 |
|
23 |
|
36 |
|
32 |
|
Females |
46 |
|
33 |
|
32 |
|
33 |
|
Total |
15 |
|
29 |
|
33 |
|
23 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down men(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
7 |
|
17 |
|
33 |
|
44 |
|
Females |
10 |
|
28 |
|
38 |
|
24 |
|
Total |
8 |
|
23 |
|
36 |
|
33 |
|
Jokes/remarks that put
down homosexuals(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
12 |
|
29 |
|
31 |
|
28 |
|
Females |
23 |
|
33 |
|
26 |
|
19 |
|
Total |
18 |
|
31 |
|
28 |
|
23 |
|
INCIDENTS WITH TEACHERS
OUTSIDE OF CLASS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sexually suggestive
looks/gestures(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
29 |
|
43 |
|
18 |
|
11 |
|
Females |
50 |
|
33 |
|
14 |
|
4 |
|
Total |
40 |
|
38 |
|
16 |
|
7 |
|
Sexual
teasing/jokes/comments/questions(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
18 |
|
31 |
|
35 |
|
16 |
|
Females |
32 |
|
32 |
|
24 |
|
12 |
|
Total |
25 |
|
32 |
|
30 |
|
14 |
|
Deliberate
touching/physical closeness |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
58 |
|
26 |
|
9 |
|
8 |
|
Females |
67 |
|
21 |
|
5 |
|
7 |
|
Total |
62 |
|
24 |
|
7 |
|
7 |
|
Pressure for social
contact(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
21 |
|
28 |
|
32 |
|
19 |
|
Females |
42 |
|
29 |
|
18 |
|
11 |
|
Total |
32 |
|
29 |
|
25 |
|
15 |
|
Attempts to kiss or fondle |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
77 |
|
17 |
|
3 |
|
3 |
|
Females |
85 |
|
13 |
|
1 |
|
2 |
|
Total |
81 |
|
15 |
|
2 |
|
2 |
|
Pressure for sexual
activities(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
78 |
|
16 |
|
3 |
|
3 |
|
Females |
90 |
|
6 |
|
1 |
|
3 |
|
Total |
85 |
|
11 |
|
2 |
|
3 |
|
Implied positive
consequence for participating in sexual activities |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
83 |
|
13 |
|
2 |
|
2 |
|
Females |
90 |
|
6 |
|
1 |
|
2 |
|
Total |
87 |
|
9 |
|
2 |
|
2 |
|
Implied negative
consequences for refusing to participate in sexual activities |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
88 |
|
8 |
|
1 |
|
2 |
|
Females |
93 |
|
4 |
|
0 |
|
2 |
|
Total |
91 |
|
6 |
|
1 |
|
2 |
|
Participation in sexual
activities for favor/reward or other positive consequence(b) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
79 |
|
16 |
|
3 |
|
2 |
|
Females |
92 |
|
6 |
|
2 |
|
1 |
|
Total |
86 |
|
10 |
|
2 |
|
2 |
|
Participation in sexual
activities for fear of negative consequence or due to pressure or threat |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Males |
88 |
|
9 |
|
1 |
|
2 |
|
Females |
95 |
|
4 |
|
0 |
|
1 |
|
Total |
92 |
|
7 |
|
0 |
|
2 |
(a) Categories are Very Serious, Serious, Somewhat
Serious, Not Serious. (b) Gender difference significant at .05 level (chi
square).
Sexual Harassment
39
Appendix
A
Instructions
and Item Format
Opinion
Survey 4
We are attempting to gather information about new students
that will ultimately help the university provide better services. Your
participation in this study is VOLUNTARY
and ANONYMOUS so please do not
sign your name anywhere on the survey. Thank you for your help.
Directions:
1. First complete
the Demographics section.
2. Below is a list
of incidents that students might experience
during their
high school years. Please read each of the
incidents and
circle your answers to the questions under
each situation.
Incidents In Class
1. Teacher tells
sexually explicit jokes or personal anecdotes.
a. How many male students in your high
school do you think had this experience?
Most Many Some A few None
b. How many female students in your high
school do you think had this experience?
Most Many Some A few None
c. Did you ever
have this experience during high school?
yes no
d. Is this sexual
harassment? yes no
e. How serious is this incident - how much
of a problem is it when it occurs?
Not serious Somewhat serious Serious Very serious
Sexual Harassment
40
Appendix B
Sexual Harassment Incidents
INCIDENTS IN CLASS
1. Teacher tells
sexually explicit jokes or personal anecdotes.
2. Teacher uses
sexually obscene language.
3. Teacher makes
sexually suggestive comments to students.
4. Teacher makes
jokes or remarks that put down women as a group.
5. Teacher makes
jokes or remarks that put down men as a group.
b. Teacher makes
jokes or remarks that put down homosexuals as a group.
INCIDENTS OUTSIDE OF CLASS
7. Student receives
sexually suggestive looks or gestures from teacher.
8. Student receives sexual teasing, jokes,
comments, or questions from teacher.
9. Student experiences deliberate touching or
physical closeness from teacher.
10. Student receives pressure for social contact
(such as coffee, drinks, or dates) from teacher.
11. Student experiences
attempts to kiss or fondle him/her by teacher.
12. Student receives
pressure for sexual activities from teacher.
13., Student approached by teacher who implies that
participating in sexual activities would bring a favor, reward, or other
positive personal or academic consequences.
(continued)
Sexual Harassment
41
Appendix B (continued)
Sexual Harassment Incidents
14. Student approached by teacher who implies that
refusing to participate in sexual activities would bring negative personal or
academic consequences (such as bad grades, rumors about one's reputation, or
physical harm?.
15. Student participates in sexual activities with
teacher because of a favor, reward, or anticipated positive personal or
academic consequences.
16. Student participates in sexual activities with
teacher because of fear of negative personal or academic consequences, or due
to psychological or physical pressure or threat.